The Debate Around a Clear Definition of HIV Non-Disclosure in Canada Beyond the Criminal Scope



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The article by Mykhalovskiy discusses the problem of “significant risk”: Exploring the public health impact of criminalizing HIV-non-disclosure (2011). Specifically, Mykhalovskiy investigates the ways in which HIV non-disclosure, in the Canadian context, is a public health issue that needs to be analyzed beyond the scope of criminalization. The author mentions the standpoint of various parties (i.e. clinicians, public health officials, front-line counselors, PHAs, “at risk” individuals, lawyers) vis-à-vis HIV non-disclosure (668). The chosen research method is based on previous qualitative research (i.e. interviews, criminal data, research, court records) that was conducted in Ontario, Canada. (669-670) The Social Science and Medicine journal published the article for the rationales. First, the importance to show the work service providers offer in HIV prevention and treatment. Second, the need to raise awareness of the various concerned parties of using a critical criminology approach to the HIV “medico-legal borderland”, known as the absence of dialogue between criminology and public health issues. Lastly, to recognize “how criminalization shapes HIV prevention [and treatment]” (669)

As previously mentioned, HIV non-disclosure in the Canadian context is based on “'a significant risk of serious bodily harm’” (i.e. HIV transmission)” since R v Cuerrier. [1] (669) All parties (PHAs, counselors) have interrogated themselves, what is a “significant risk”? What are the parameters determining the occurrence of the latter, considering the R v Cuerrier case failed to address the latter? Mykhalovskiy confirms “the overall lack of clarity and overreach of significant risk have been central to the concerns raised by legal advocates post-Cuerrier.” (669)

The article reveals three findings. First, people living with HIV/AIDS (PHAs) experience a breach of client confidentiality. For instance, counselors use information shared by him/her/them during consultations and circulate it to criminal lawyers. To this effect, clients avoid open dialogue in the face of legal worries (672-673). Second, PHAs face a lack of legal liability when even he/she/them disclose their status to parties (i.e. sexual partner(s), counselor, lawyer), their legal protection is not fully guaranteed and protected “against potentially damaging legal entanglements” (673). For instance, some sexual partner(s) take advantage of those situations in reporting false accusations of HIV non-disclosure as a weapon of breakup, manipulation, and threat. (673) A resulting effect to the latter is that both workers (i.e. legal, public health) and clients (i.e. PHAs) experience fear. “You don’t know what you can do and what you can’t do” (offender); “the things I can say or can’t say unclear” (worker). (670-671) Third, there are blurred lines between “established public health risk knowledge and safer sex messaging and the parameters of the significant risk test.” (674)

The article offers an array of solutions, such as expert knowledge, one’s responsibility for communicating about the law. Mykhalovskiy also notes that lawyers frame the client as a witness case instead of a private one (i.e. “he said/she said”) and counseling service providers ensure all partners sign disclosure forms as archival records. I would argue that the last solution is slightly problematic since a significant portion of encounters is short-term. So, it is assumed that sexual partners most likely will not attend a legal meeting with the client.

 

References

Image 1. HIVnAIDS. (2016). Method of transmission. Retrieved from https://hivnaids.wordpress.com/2016/02/23/how-to-contract/?fbclid=IwAR0gtJydA8sp46K0a6nXNPy0aBAWDB6uki5SwHyJyR8n0Z3qmBwHDYMl12A. 

Mykhalovskiy, E. (2011). The problem of “significant risk”: Exploring the public health impact of criminalizing HIV-non-disclosure. Social Science & Medicine, 73 668-675.

 

 

 



[1] Please refer to First Timeline Entry.